While delivering his budget speech in June this year, the Mayor of Karachi hinted that katchi abadis (informal settlements) in the city will be upgraded. Provisions will be made to develop high-rise structures to ‘modernise’ them. This is not a new idea. More than twenty years ago, the then Mayor of Karachi, the late Niamatullah Khan, gave a similar indication that selected katchi abadis would undergo planned transformation into high-rise structures. Such observations arise from the general perceptions that government functionaries hold about katchi abadis. It is often believed that katchi abadis emerge due to the machinations of land grabbers, some low-level government functionaries, beat policemen and the like.

The residents are also believed to be individuals with low intellect, dubious capacity to be gainfully employed in decent enterprises, and an inability to ascend the social mobility ladder. Some quarters of the elite consider katchi abadis as certified dens of criminals and outlaws. According to one viewpoint, katchi abadis are eyesores for urban dwellers and must be demolished. This view is now commonly shared by many power-wielding actors in Sindh who do not favour in-migration from other parts of the country, particularly Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and elsewhere. A technocratic stance, often aired by developers and builders, emphasises allowing high-density, high-rise development on the sites of katchi abadis. Another opinion advocates the gradual relocation of these settlements to suburban locations so they do not burden urban infrastructure and services. However, the reality of katchi abadis is entirely different and needs to be recognised as such by city administrators, policymakers and society at large.

Katchi abadis, in essence, are a response to the state’s persistent failure to provide housing for low-income groups. The absence of viable options to live and work in large and medium-sized cities has left the poor with no alternative but to squat on any available land. Since independence in 1947, economic necessity has driven millions to migrate to cities offering employment in industrial enterprises. State institutions, especially under martial law regimes, failed to respond to the acute housing crisis facing new urban residents. Left helpless, they had no choice but to help themselves, albeit in a disorganised fashion.

Karachi has more than half of its population residing in katchi abadis, while thousands of empty plots remain in the hands of real estate speculators, illustrating two sides of the same coin

Haphazard squatter settlements sprang up across cities. Karachi was fortunate in that it had abundant reserves of state-owned land. Initially, the government attempted to bulldoze these settlements, but soon realised that this was an impossible task. Thereafter, it adopted an ostrich-like attitude and allowed people to settle at will. Over time, the process became more technically sophisticated. Learning from the examples of planned neighbourhoods, katchi abadis began to adopt gridiron, rectilinear layouts. Once favourable locations became saturated, even the most vulnerable areas were occupied by desperate settlers. The phenomenon has continued with varying intensities and adjustments in processes and outcomes.

It is common sense that cities are inhabited by various income groups. Cities that serve only the rich are bound to fail. Healthy cities are those where the poor have decent access to basic amenities. It is disappointing to note that successive governments have failed to prioritise the crucial issue of housing. International best practices and recommendations from UN bodies led to the upgrading of katchi abadis in Pakistani cities. The approach was to survey these settlements, evaluate their legitimacy, and grant legal ownership, services and amenities to the residents.

However, poor delivery mechanisms prevented the majority of the poor from benefiting. Incompatibility in procedures, delays, corruption, and speculative interests allowed the rich and powerful to manipulate these schemes. Delayed occupancy, high prices, cumbersome paperwork, and uncertain land distribution contributed to their failure. That Karachi has more than half of its population residing in katchi abadis, while thousands of empty plots remain in the hands of real estate speculators, illustrates two sides of the same coin: oversupply of land for rich investors at the cost of millions of genuine urban dwellers. For decades, no dedicated housing scheme has been launched for the urban poor in a city teeming with millions.

It is often claimed that low-income individuals require housing subsidies, which the state can no longer afford. This is simply not true. The poor already pay for every service, albeit informally. Housing is acquired through payments to illegal entrepreneurs, material suppliers and contractors. Security is procured by paying extortion to local strongmen. Water is bought at higher rates from vendors. In many cases, the poor end up paying more than middle- or upper-income groups. The state is aware of this but does not assign it priority.

Suppose our good mayor genuinely wishes to reform katchi abadis in Karachi. In that case, he should accelerate the process of surveying them for infrastructural needs, consolidate land use, and grant legal rights after fulfilling legal and statutory requirements. This process has been stalled for years. Once residents gain security of tenure, they will mobilise their own resources and begin upgrading their neighbourhoods through self-help, just as they always have.

Published in The Friday Times By Noman Ahmed, July 11, 2025